住房政策的外文翻譯--住房政策是福利和經濟發(fā)展的鏈接

1、<p>　　住房政策是福利和經濟發(fā)展的鏈接</p><p>　　近十幾年來，住房增多現象在歐洲許多城市已成為最明顯的變化。新房屋和新的居民區(qū)在城市景觀中占主要地位。房屋數量的增加反映了經濟正在快速增長，人們的富裕程度正在穩(wěn)定上升，同時這種現象也被成為所謂的第二人口統(tǒng)計學的變革。這場變革導致了房屋數量正以出人意料的速度增長。就我們看來，這種增長客觀地反映了人們對房屋的迫切需求。目前，許多國家，尤其是西歐的

2、部分國家，人口結構變化的改變比任何其他地方都來得早。對于政策，人們有很多不同的反映，這主要取決于各個國家的文化，政策傳統(tǒng)以及各國經濟的多樣發(fā)展。但是Feddes 和Dieleman（1996）研究認為：不管國家規(guī)定采用何種不同的福利研究模型，目前房屋已成為重要政策中的主要成分。西歐目前60%的房屋建于1945年以后，對于這些房屋的存在形式來說，大多數住房屬于補貼性住房。在各國政治議程上，房地產開發(fā)項目和他們高度分化的事實需要投入相當大的

3、金錢。</p><p>　　起初，所有的努力旨在建立更多的住房來滿足住房短缺問題。但是在1970年代早起，由于此時經濟全球化進入低迷時期，對房屋補助的升級已成為西歐大陸的負擔。他們嘗試采用金融資源盡可能有效控制并保持穩(wěn)定的借貸，以促使補助系統(tǒng)的改善。這種從一般補貼的強性轉變意味著保證房價的低廉。相反，房屋補貼使那些承受不起上漲房價的人能買到房子。在很多國家，這些補助通常只給予租房的人們，而其他地方，該項補助還涉及

4、到低收入家庭。政策的改變允許房價增長到市場允許的水平。同時，嘗試在城鎮(zhèn)新建區(qū)內改善房屋屋內建設質量和屋外設計形式。由于房屋數量的增長正面臨著房屋消費的通脹，許多人改變了他們對住房的渴望程度，這現象在一些國家比較低，較為顯著的主要有荷蘭，瑞士和德國。其中，法國和英國是第一個著手檢修住房系統(tǒng)問題了國家。最終，連瑞典和荷蘭這兩個對福利政策最堅定的國家也進行檢修他們的住房系統(tǒng)。現在來看，自1945年以來，這兩個州的房地產動向更是以市場為導向了。

5、</p><p>　　盡管在過去的50年里，實施定量推力住房政策，歐洲政府仍不斷尋求改善住房質量,無論是為了狹義定義目標群體還是廣大人口。住房政策和經濟循環(huán)的任何聯系都在住房項目中得以改善，以跟上國民經濟條件的變化。很顯然，對改革后的住房的推動力主要來源于關于國家預算的政策決定。不應該感到奇怪,在過去的十年中,住房政策就有一次被調諧。于是在歐洲貨幣整合情況下，各州不得不采取積極的應對措施，此次事件給各國國家債務帶

6、來了太多的政治壓力。</p><p>　　然而在決策實施低水平狀況下，還有另一個經濟方面的住房。有明顯跡象表明，當地和地方政府將住房作為他們在經濟增長中杠桿的現象越來越突出。這是一個反應在世界經濟中,發(fā)生了根本性的變化的現象。各種機構也直接或間接地在發(fā)生著變化——從一個突出本地建設到成為一個全球機械。則經濟的新形勢需根據參與者角色的不斷變化，對房屋的角色進行重新定義。就個人而言，每個房子仍為居住者提供最基本的功能

7、，如：提供住所，保證隱私，工作，基本的社會交流以及其他一系列設施和服務。但作為一個整體，住房正被迅速地改造成競爭優(yōu)勢中最重要的組成部分。</p><p>　　縱觀整個轉變過程，經濟中的管理環(huán)境似乎是用另一種方法進行改變的：私人角色和公共部門實際上似是而非的。就其位置決定而言,地方政府準備好制備的基礎設施和發(fā)展一堆商業(yè)地產,以期望此后一些公司最終會選擇在此建立場所。與此同時,企業(yè)家大力投資并積極進行搜尋合適的營地。

8、但是因為很多地方政府為當地的發(fā)展積極參與競爭,這使得有些公司在選擇營地上處于一種被動的劣勢。他們標榜他們的意圖去安置,列出他們的要求,并等待投標地方政府的同意。對于他們而言,地方政府很想認識這種挑戰(zhàn)提供的所有獎勵。此類激勵方法涵蓋范圍很廣，而且也越變越多，因為大家都了解到當地的收益與產出是直接相關的。一個典型的例子,我們放眼看大西洋彼岸,一片繁華和爭先，但歐洲就緊隨其后，緊緊地跟著這一趨勢的發(fā)展。</p><p>

9、;　　經濟地理學中將當地作為生產的環(huán)境，包括影響公司功能的所有外部環(huán)境。其中的一些環(huán)境緊緊地跟隨它自身的生產過程，根據決定收益的多少來給予一定的投入。在這個新的服務經濟全球化的時代，這樣的輸入正被廣泛使用：人力資本是地方性的,而其他的投入可以便宜地移動到其他任何地點。</p><p>　　目前，大多數城市提供廣泛的房屋，注重房子的規(guī)模、價格、類型、和周圍環(huán)境舒適優(yōu)雅。對于消費者來說，房屋不僅僅是避風港，同時它也給

10、使用者提供了一個機會——培養(yǎng)所需的生活方式。它的位置決定了工作機會和提供服務和設施的渠道。當人們選擇居住地點時，許多人對居住環(huán)境的物理和社會性很敏感。鄰居能影響我們的生活方式和居民的社會地位。在社會交往中，鄰居就如框架一樣重要，一些人就更喜歡混合社區(qū)，而其他人就有自我保護意識，喜歡和自己的同類一起生活。隨著城市人口多樣化地增長，許多人開始尋求自我保護，通過從緊密結合的隱私社區(qū)退出和斷絕與其他社會成員來往的方式來避免沖突狀況。從中，我們可

11、以看出，住宅程度的隔離制度反映了許多社會特征以及個人需求特性。</p><p>　　特別突出的住房問題就是其經濟價值。家庭代表一個巨大的股本。通過購買和租賃手段對房屋進行投資，需要很大份額的居民消費。住房包括許多其他實質性的成本，創(chuàng)造巨大的經濟乘數: 保養(yǎng)、稅收、公用事業(yè)、家具和許多其他費用。投資建設新住房包括大量不同的資源。住房往往是一種公共預算中重要的事項，其中主要的公共投資是用來創(chuàng)造、維護和服務居民區(qū)的。因

12、為有大量的直接和間接投資。據相關資料顯示，住宅結構曾是凱恩斯等經濟學家為控制經濟而干預的區(qū)域。</p><p>　　在市場交易上，房價主要取決于它的質量。因此,富裕的人們往往集中在最好的住宅區(qū)，好的住宅吸引高收入決策者及專業(yè)人士。正是這些團體，為當地經濟的發(fā)展打下了堅實的基礎。當他們到達某些特殊的地方,被當地舒適的居住環(huán)境所吸引時，企業(yè)就會緊跟其后面，盡量滿足他們的需要。由于公司的人力資本是主要的資源,這使得現代

13、商業(yè)的居住環(huán)境轉變成一個有關經濟區(qū)位因素的問題。確切地說，當廠商移動時，這就對居民偏好產生一定影響。這是因為技術工人和專業(yè)人員尋求減少上班的時間,公司位置的優(yōu)勢會吸引和保留高素質員工隊伍。</p><p>　　為了利用有限的資源，住房建設的政策正努力地與其他領域的政策競爭著，同時房屋專員經常被要求證明對房地產投資的益處。目前,地方政府似乎正全神貫注于任務振興和重組當地經濟上，對于公共產品的消費和投資，他們沒有什么

14、興趣。相反,他們覺得確保市收入應先于開支。然而,通過擴展上述的爭論——促進中小企業(yè)的股權以刺激當地的經濟—看起來這筆錢是花在住房投資上了,甚至社會住房也會產生強大的經濟效益。</p><p>　　舊的城市區(qū)域成功適應新經濟這個現實似乎由兩個世界組成。它們是工作場所和富裕的新運動場，是生活的炫耀性消費。與此同時,這些地方的特點是腐朽的社區(qū)、濃度的弱勢民族、無家可歸的人在街道上行走等等。從福利的意識形態(tài)上說，對比于過

15、去孕育了大型社會住房項目，共享經濟轉型的效益，我們認為福利再分配的理想輸給了自由觀念。</p><p>　　然而,沒有特別的需要來恢復過去社區(qū)住宅這個項目。其他一些不那么雄心勃勃的解決方案,可在一個區(qū)域內減少社會不平等的事件。但是這些設計必須考慮燃料投資。良好的居住環(huán)境吸引著人們，才能通過私人投資方式獲得及時的投資資金,相反的，住房條件差是一個社會排斥和沖突強烈的標志。當他們傳送清晰的信息時，他們必須避免這些：在

16、這里，不是新投資就一定安全。當用一個式子計算出一個城市的成功時，房屋建設不應該是福利與經濟發(fā)展中缺失的環(huán)節(jié)。</p><p><b>　　外文原文（復印件）</b></p><p>　　Housing policy – the link between welfare and economic development</p><p>　　The

17、 expansion of the housing stock has been one of the most visible changes in European cities in recent decades; new homes and new residential areas dominate many of the urban landscapes. The increase in the number of home

18、s reflects the development of the economy and the steadily rising level of affluence, as well as the so-called second demographic transition that has resulted in an unprecedented growth of the number of households. This

19、increase readily translated into demand for housing. In s</p><p>　　Initially, all efforts were aimed at building more dwellings in response to the smoldering issue of the housing shortage. But when the globa

20、l economy went into recession in the early 1970s, the escalating housing subsidies became a bone of contention throughout Northwestern Europe. Attempts to keep the state budgets under control by using the financial resou

21、rces as efficiently as possible led to the overhaul of the subsidy systems. The emphasis shifted away from general construction subsidies th</p><p>　　In spite of the quantitative thrust of housing policies d

22、uring the past fiftyyears, European governments have continuously sought to improve housing quality, either for narrowly defined target groups or for the population at large. Any links between housing policies and econom

23、ic cycles took the form of adjustments made in the housing programs to keep up with changes in national economic conditions. Obviously, the impetus for adjusting the housing policies came from policy decisions concerning

24、 th</p><p>　　Yet, at lower levels of policy-making, there is another economic dimension of housing. There are clear signs that local and regional governments turn increasingly to housing as leverage in their

25、 competition for economic growth. This is a response to fundamental changes in the world economy. Each firm has been changed – directly or indirectly – from a predominantly local establishment into a cog in the global ma

26、chinery. The new economy is redefining the role of housing. Individually, each house s</p><p>　　The regulatory environment of the economy seems to be changing in another way too: the roles of the private and

27、 the public sectors are shifting. With respect to location decisions, local governments used to prepare infrastructure and develop a stock of business estates in the expectation that some firms would eventually choose to

28、 establish premises there. At the same time, entrepreneurs invested heavily in scouting for an appropriate site. But because so many local governments have become active</p><p>　　Economic geography treats lo

29、cations as production environments, comprising all the external conditions that affect the functioning of a firm. Some of these are closely tied to the production process itself, offering the inputs that determine profit

30、ability. In the new global service economy, such inputs are widely available: human capital can be created locally, while other inputs can be moved cheaply to any site.</p><p>　　Most cities offer a wide rang

31、e of housing with respect to size, price, type, and amenities. Housing is more than shelter. It also provides the occupants with an opportunity to cultivate a desired lifestyle. Its location determines opportunities for

32、work and access to services and facilities. Many people are sensitive to the physical and social characteristics of a residential environment when they choose a place to live. The neighborhood influences the quality of l

33、ife and the social status of th</p><p>　　A particularly salient aspect of housing is its economic value. Homes represent a huge capital stock. Investment in housing – through purchase or rent – accounts for

34、a large share of private consumption. Housing involves many other substantial costs, creating a large economic multiplier: upkeep, taxes, utilities, furnishings, and numerous other expenses. Investment in the constructio

35、n of new housing involves huge sums from various sources. Housing tends to be a major item on the public budget, t</p><p>　　In a market constellation, the price of housing is largely determined by its qualit

36、y. Accordingly, affluent people tend to concentrate in the best residential areas. Good housing attracts high-income decision-makers and professionals. And it is precisely these groups that now oil the wheels of the loca

37、l economy. When they move to particular places, attracted by the homes and high-amenity residential environments, businesses follow close behind. As human capital is a major resource for modern bus</p><p>　　

38、Where housing competes with other policy fields for limited resources, housing officials are often called upon to demonstrate the benefits of investment in housing. At present, local authorities seem to be preoccupied wi

39、th the task of revitalizing and restructuring the local economy. They have less interest in the provision of public goods and investments that serve consumption; instead, they feel that ensuring municipal revenues has to

40、 take precedence over spending. Yet, by extension of the arg</p><p>　　The old urban regions that have adapted themselves successfully to new economic realities seem to consist of two worlds. They are the wor

41、kplaces and the playgrounds of the newly affluent, with their lifestyles of conspicuous consumption. At the same time, these places are characterized by decaying neighborhoods, concentrations of disadvantaged ethnic grou

42、ps, and homeless people on the streets. In terms of the ideology of the welfare state that spawned the large social housing programs of the pas</p><p>　　Yet, there is no particular need to reinstate the soci

43、al housing programs of the past. Other, less ambitious solutions can diminish social inequality in an area. But these must be designed to fuel the flow of investment. Good housing in attractive neighborhoods can prompt i

44、nvestment by the private sector. Poor housing conditions, in contrast, are a strong indicator of social exclusion and of conflict. They must be avoided, as they transmit one clear message: these are not the places where