14中英文雙語外文文獻翻譯成品菲律賓家政傭工及其能力開發(fā)

1、<p>　　外文標題：Filipino Domestic Workers and Their Capacity Development</p><p>　　外文作者：Jennifer Loh and Alicia F.Estrellado</p><p>　　文獻出處：Journal of Humanistic Psychology,2016,1-18</p>&l

2、t;p>　　英文2857單詞，15897字符，中文4268漢字。</p><p>　　此文檔是外文翻譯成品，無需調整復雜的格式哦！下載之后直接可用，方便快捷！只需二十多元。</p><p>　　Filipino Domestic Workers and Their Capacity Development</p><p><b>　　Abstract

3、</b></p><p>　　This study explored the day-to-day experiences of female Filipino domestic workers in Singapore, including their working conditions, employee– employer relationships, and psychological he

4、alth. In-depth interviews were conducted with 18 women. Using grounded theory, the emergent themes revealed high levels of variation, both within and between women, suggesting that the quality of domestic workers’ lives

5、depends largely on the personal characteristics of their employers or the workers themselves,</p><p>　　Keywords domestic workers, health, work conditions, capability development, empowerment</p><p

6、>　　Between 1979 and 2009, about 30 million Filipinos left the Philippines to work as overseas domestic workers (Philippines Overseas Employment Administration) and this figure is still on the increase. Of the 30 milli

7、on, over half of the Filipinos were women who work as migrant domestic workers in economically more developed South East Asia countries such as Singapore. Singapore is one of the top hiring countries, with one in five ho

8、useholds hir- ing a live-in migrant domestic worker (Ministry of M</p><p>　　Despite this, many of these workers have their labor rights exploited (Humanitarian Organization for Migration Economics). For inst

9、ance, over- seas domestic workers are excluded from the Employment Act and Workmen’s Compensation Act in Singapore. This means that domestic workers are at the mercy of either their employees or the hiring agencies (Rami

10、rez-Machado, 2003). Consequently, social isolation, poor working conditions, prolonged confinement, physical and mental abuses also contribute to hig</p><p><b>　　Results</b></p><p>　

11、　High Unemployment in Home Country</p><p>　　The majority of Filipino workers in our study cited high unemployment back in the Philippines as one of their reasons to migrate to work in Singapore as domestic w

12、orkers. The following excerpts provide an explanation as to why so many Filipino women search for work outside of their home country. For example, Participant F1 left to work in Singapore because there was high unemploym

13、ent in the Philippines. Similarly, Participant F5 stated that there was no work in the Philippines so she left to wor</p><p>　　There is very high unemployment in the Philippines and many women, like myself c

14、annot find jobs that pay well back home. I was given the opportunity to go to work in Singapore, so I took it because the pay is better. (F1, 30 years, Married)</p><p>　　There is no work in the Philippines a

15、nd our economy is bad. I have friends in Singapore that tells me Singapore is a good place to work to get good money</p><p>　　Regimented Domestic Tasks. All the workers interviewed were responsible for house

16、hold chores such as cleaning, grocery shopping, cooking, laundry, and ironing. In addition to household chores, many of the women were also involved in child care. Seventeen of the 18 women reported that they were respon

17、sible for both household chores and child care. This is evidenced from the experiences of Participant F2 and Participant F15 where they had to fol- low a strict routine to their daily work tasks.</p><p>　　I

18、take care of the 11 years old kid. After he has eaten his breakfast, the school bus picks him up. I can do some cleaning around the house. (F2, 39 years, Separated)</p><p>　　I wake up about 6 in the morning

19、and then I wake the boy up, change him and bath him. I then start to clean the house around 7 o’clock . . . I look after the household chores and the children. (F15, 32 years, Married)</p><p>　　This finding

20、is consistent with migrant workers’ research which found that domestic workers generally attend to both household chores and child care duties (Anderson, 2000; Ehrenreich & Hochschild, 2002; Moya, 2007;</p>&l

21、t;p>　　Parreñas, 2001).</p><p>　　Strict Household Rules and Discipline. In addition, many of the women worked in households that had very strict rules and discipline. The following excerpts described

22、the experiences of Participant F11 and Participant F12 where their movement and behaviors were controlled by their employers.</p><p>　　My employer was very strict and he does not allow me to talk to anyone.

23、I cannot go out except when I walk the dog. I also have a curfew at 6:30pm. (F11, 36 years, Married)</p><p>　　My employer would criticize me about how I do everything. She is extra strict about how I look af

24、ter the baby. (F12, 28 years, Single)</p><p>　　Maintaining strict household rules and regulations enables employers to control their paid laborers. It also functions to maintain the power and social status p

25、osition of the employers (Näre, 2013). In doing so, it restricts the abil- ity for these workers to engage in productive thoughts, recreational, and/or educational activities (Nussbaum, 2006). Other researchers have

26、 argued that domestic service is not a specified job, but a “type of relationship that exists between people of very differen</p><p>　　Low Wage and Poor Working Conditions. Female domestic workers are paid l

27、ow wages and have to endure poor working conditions. For instance, the women we interviewed earned an average of SNG$465 (approximately US$325) per month. More crucially, poor working conditions in the forms of long hour

28、s of work, inadequate rest, poorly defined off day, and low pay with few work benefits are often encountered by these workers (Lan, 2006, 2010). One wid- owed domestic workers stated that, “I wake up about 6 </p>

29、<p>　　Mistreatment. Unlike findings from other domestic workers’ experiences of mistreatment in the form of sexual abuse or physical abuse (ILO, 2013), the majority of women in our study reported mainly verbal/psych

30、ological abuses. The following two excerpts provided a description of this:</p><p>　　My employer is always scolding me. . . . She says, “All Filipinos are arrogant ad you are a stupid person.” (F14, 26 years

31、, Single)</p><p>　　The verbal and psychological abuses expressed above obviously belittled and/or intimidated Filipino domestic workers and adversely affected the psy- chological health of domestic workers (

32、Human Rights Watch, 2005, 2011). At the capability development level, verbal and psychological abuse work to deprive an individual of his or her basic human rights to be treated kindly and humanely (Nussbaum, 2006).</

33、p><p>　　Poor Health. Finally, a number of workers reported signs of physical and emotional health problem which is consistent with the experiences of many other domestic workers (Lau, Cheng, Chow, Ungvari, &

34、; Leung, 2009). One participant spoke of a sense of hopelessness and sadness she felt while work- ing in Singapore, “I fainted in the toilet and had to be rushed to the hospital. I felt so helpless and sad. There was not

35、hing I could do because she [the employer] kept my passport.” Another participant </p><p>　　Capability Development</p><p>　　Despite the challenges faced by each and every one of these women, the

36、 majority of them were resistant and were found to have adopted a number of strategies to help them cope with these challenges. The operative word here is that they tried. In other words, given the limited freedom they h

37、ad as domestic workers and the lack of labor protection in Singapore, many of these women used strategies they considered effective to help achieve the functioning or end goal they valued (e.g., earn more money</p>

38、<p>　　External Network. Despite restricted mobility experienced by a few of the women (e.g., F11, F17, and F18), the majority of the women we interviewed were able to establish external relationships, outside of t

39、he household they worked for. The ability to have mobility and to form social interaction with others is an important human capability (Nussbaum, 2006). The following quotes exemplified this:</p><p>　　I have

40、 a very good employer. I can go out after I have finished my work. (F1, 30 years, Married)</p><p>　　My employers trust me with my friends and they are open-minded about my boyfriend. He is free to come and g

41、o. (F5, 39 years, Single) </p><p>　　Coping Strategies</p><p>　　The majority of the women we interviewed adopted a combination of differ- ent coping strategies to deal with stressful situations.

42、For example, Participant F2 used Yoga to keep herself calm, while Participant F4 reminded herself to be self-disciplined and not to hold a grudge against her offender. Other work- ers adopted more passive-aggressive form

43、s of behaviors or attitudes in deal- ing with difficult employers. For example, instead of lashing out at their employers, Participants F1, F2, and F</p><p>　　Sometimes, I just go to my room and think over a

44、nd over again. I do Yoga to keep my mind peaceful so that I can cope and deal with problems effectively. (F2, 43 years, Separated).</p><p>　　I am not the type of person to hold a grudge and I will say sorry,

45、 if I am wrong. I think I am a good person. (F4, 28 years, Single)</p><p>　　Don’t come to Singapore to work as domestic maids because you will get mistreated . . . just be careful about the employer because

46、 some employer can be good but many Singaporean employers are not good. (F1, 34 years, Single)</p><p>　　She [the employer] accidentally dropped the eggs and she put the blame on me</p><p>　　.

47、. . I was so mad I did not help her with the grocery, I just went to my room and slammed the door. (F2, 43 years, Separated)</p><p>　　Financial Rewards to Support Family.I need to earn money for my children,

48、 I have to support them. Now, my children are in university and sending them to university costs a lot of money. (F8, 44 years, Widowed)</p><p>　　I tried to work hard so that I can let my children get educat

49、ed and find good jobs. That’s all. (F6, 40 years, Married)</p><p>　　Our findings support previous research in this area which found that domestic workers made the sacrifice to work overseas because they want

50、ed a better future for their children and themselves despite encountering difficul- ties in their profession (Parreñas, 2005; Reyes, 2008). </p><p>　　Conclusion</p><p>　　In this study, the

51、capability development approach provides an alternate explanation for the day-to-day experiences of Filipino domestic workers in Singapore. The findings above should inform governments, labor agencies, and humanitarian a

52、gencies about the importance of developing capabilities in domestic workers as part of an empowerment program. As a first suggestion, it is important to change the way domestic workers and their work is defined.</p>

53、;<p>　　Domestic workers and domestic work should be defined as legitimate work- ers and their work as legitimate work. Second, domestic workers should be free to join any organization (politically or socially). In

54、 doing so, these women can become more active in making collective resistance (Yamanaka & Piper, 2003) and in making themselves more empowered.</p><p>　　References</p><p>　　Abdul Rahman, N.

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79、lopment, 6, 167-183.</p><p>　　菲律賓家政傭工及其能力開發(fā)</p><p><b>　　摘要</b></p><p>　　在本次研究中，探討了新加坡女性菲律賓家庭傭工的日常經驗，這包括他們的工作環(huán)境、員工---雇主關系和心理健康。 并與18名婦女進行了深入訪談。 使用扎根理論，這一新出現的探討主題揭示了女性內部和女

80、性之間的高度變化，這表明家庭傭人的生活質量在很大程度上取決于雇主的個人特征或工人本身，而不是任何保護制度。 更重要的是，參與者表現出積極而富有活力的應對策略，盡管他們身處受約束的環(huán)境，但他們還是會繼續(xù)工作下去。本文還討論了有關能力開發(fā)和賦權的啟示。</p><p>　　關鍵詞: 家政傭工，健康，工作環(huán)境，能力開發(fā)，賦權</p><p>　　從1979年到2009年，約有3,000萬菲律賓人

81、離開菲律賓，成為海外家政人員（菲律賓海外就業(yè)管理局），這個數字還在增加。在這3000萬人中，超過一半的菲律賓人是在經濟較發(fā)達的東南亞國家，如新加坡從事家政移民的婦女。新加坡是最大的招聘國家之一，五分之一的家庭正在招聘一名住在家中的移民家庭傭工（Ministry of Manpower，2013）。新加坡是許多菲律賓家庭傭工的熱門目的地，因為它毗鄰菲律賓，他們的勞動力貨幣交換回報高，以及菲律賓和新加坡許多招聘機構的積極招聘工作。相反，許多

82、菲律賓家庭傭工因為能夠用英語交談而受到新加坡人的青睞。</p><p>　　盡管如此，這些工人中的許多人都有自己的勞動權利（人道主義組織移民經濟學）。例如，海外家政工人被排除在新加坡的“就業(yè)法”和“工人賠償法”之外。這意味著家政工人不受雇員或招聘機構的支配（Ramirez-Machado，2003）。因此，在社會孤立、工作條件差、長期禁閉、身體和精神虐待也導致其高水平的心理困擾，甚至導致家庭工人自殺（Lau，Ch

83、eng，Chow，Ungvari，＆Leung，2009）。</p><p><b>　　結果</b></p><p><b>　　在本國高的失業(yè)率</b></p><p>　　在我們的研究中，大多數菲律賓工人提到菲律賓高失業(yè)率的原因之一是他們作為家庭工人移民到新加坡工作。 以下摘錄解釋了為什么很多菲律賓女性在本國以外尋找

84、工作。 例如，參與者F1在新加坡工作，因為菲律賓失業(yè)率高。 同樣，參與者F5表示菲律賓沒有工作，所以她在新加坡工作，工資很好。 她這樣做的主要原因是為了支持她的家人返回菲律賓。</p><p>　　菲律賓失業(yè)率非常高，許多女性像我一樣找不到能夠在家找到工作。 我有機會去新加坡工作，所以我接受了，因為薪水更好。 （F1,30歲，已婚） </p><p>　　在菲律賓沒有工作，我們的經濟很糟糕

85、。 我在新加坡有朋友告訴我新加坡是一個很好的工作去賺錢的好地方</p><p>　　在國內受限制的苦差事。 所有受訪的工作人員都負責家務勞動，如清潔，雜貨店購物，烹飪，洗衣和熨燙等。 除家務外，許多婦女也參與了兒童保育。 18名婦女中有17人報告說他們對家庭負責</p><p>　　家務和兒童保育。 這可以從參與者F2和參與者F15的經歷中得到證明，他們必須遵守嚴格的日常工作。</p

86、><p>　　我照顧這個11歲的孩子。吃完早餐后，校車把他接走。我可以在房子周圍做一些清潔工作。 （F2,39年，分居）</p><p>　　我早上醒來大概6點鐘，然后把那個男孩叫醒，改變他并洗澡。然后，我開始在7點左右清理房子。 。 。我照顧家務和孩子。 （F15,32歲，已婚）</p><p>　　這一發(fā)現與農民工的研究一致，該研究發(fā)現，家政工通常同時承擔家務和兒童

87、保育責任（Anderson，2000; Ehrenreich＆Hochschild，2002; Moya，2007;</p><p>　　Parreñas，2001）。</p><p>　　嚴格的家庭規(guī)則和紀律。此外，許多女性在有嚴格規(guī)定和紀律的家庭工作。以下摘錄描述了參與者F11和參與者F12的經歷，其中他們的移動和行為是由其雇主控制的。</p><p>

88、;　　我的雇主非常嚴格，他不允許我與任何人交談。除了當我走路的時候，我不能出門。我也在下午6點半宵禁。 （F11,36歲，已婚）</p><p>　　我的雇主會批評我如何做所有事情。她對我如何照顧寶寶非常嚴格。 （F12,28歲，單身）</p><p>　　保持嚴格的家庭規(guī)章制度，雇主可以控制其有償勞動者。它還起到維護雇主權力和社會地位的作用（Näre，2013）。這樣做限制了這

89、些工作者進行富有成效的思想、娛樂和/或教育活動的能力（Nussbaum，2006）。其他研究人員認為，家政服務不是一項特定的工作，而是一種“社會階層差異很大，地域淵源、培訓、收入、義務、性別、年齡、婚姻和法律地位”之間存在的“關系類型”（Sarti， 2005年，第408頁）。</p><p>　　低工資和惡劣的工作條件。女性家政工工資低，不得不忍受惡劣的工作條件。例如，我們采訪的女性平均每月平均收入為465新幣

90、（約合325美元）。更重要的是，這些工人經常遇到工作時間長、休息不充分、日間定義不明確，工資低而工作收益少的惡劣工作條件（Lan，2006,2010）。一位家庭傭工表示：“我早上醒來的時候大約6點。 我的工作時間是晚上9點。我有時候甚至沒有時間吃午餐?！傲硪幻ぷ魅藛T說，即使在休假的時候，她也必須在星期天工作，”即使在星期天休假時，我也必須預先準備食物我出去之前。因此，整個星期六和星期日早上，我都會花時間做飯?！拔覀兊恼{查結果支持調查結

91、果：家庭工人幾乎沒有休息，而且當您考慮到某些國家沒有規(guī)定官方休息的法律時，這對家庭傭人是不幸的一天。例如新加坡，馬來西亞和臺灣的家庭工人被排除在許多正式的勞工標準法和立法之外（ILO，2013）。因此，這些家政工人實際上沒有正式的工作或休息時間。這種法律上的排斥反映了國家對國內工作的女性和私有化性質的國家操縱的意識形態(tài)，海外家政工人不被視為工人，而是“家庭的附屬物”（Huang＆Yeoh，2003; Lan，2006,2010）。不管家

92、庭工</p><p>　　虐待。與其他家庭傭工以性虐待或身體虐待形式虐待的經歷（國際勞工組織，2013）不同，我們研究中的大多數女性報告主要是言語/心理虐待。以下兩段摘錄提供了對此的描述：</p><p>　　我的雇主總是在責罵我 。她說，“所有的菲律賓人都是傲慢的，你是一個愚蠢的人?！保‵14,26歲，單身）</p><p>　　以上所述的言語和心理虐待顯然被輕視

93、和/或恐嚇菲律賓家庭傭工，并對家政工人的心理健康產生不利影響（人權觀察，2005,2011）。在能力發(fā)展水平上，言語和心理虐待剝奪了個人對其基本人權的仁慈和人道待遇（Nussbaum，2006年）。</p><p>　　健康狀況不佳。最后，一些工人報告了身體和情緒健康問題的跡象，這與許多其他家庭工人的經歷是一致的（Lau，Cheng，Chow，Ungvari，＆Leung，2009）。一位與會者談到她在新加坡工作

94、時感到絕望和悲傷，“我在廁所昏過去，不得不被趕到醫(yī)院。我感到非常無助和傷心。我無能為力，因為她（雇主）保存了我的護照?！傲硪晃粎⑴c者描述了她感到絕望，孤獨和想家的感覺，”我很孤獨，想家。 。我發(fā)現自己現在哭了很多?！?</p><p><b>　　能力開發(fā)</b></p><p>　　盡管這些女性每個人都面臨著挑戰(zhàn)，但她們中的大多數都是很堅強的，并且被發(fā)現采取了一些策

95、略來幫助她們應對這些挑戰(zhàn)。這里的方法是他們試過的。換句話說，鑒于他們作為家政傭人的自由有限，而且新加坡缺乏勞動保護，許多這些婦女采用了他們認為有效的策略來幫助實現他們所重視的想法或最終目標（例如，賺取更多的錢，獲得情感通過與雇主或雇主的孩子保持聯(lián)系等）。以下摘錄提供了其中一些能力開發(fā)策略的描述</p><p>　　外部網絡。盡管少數女性（如F11，F17和F18）經歷了其流動性受限的情況，但我們采訪的大多數女性能

96、夠在他們工作的家庭之外建立外部關系。具有流動性并與他人形成社交互動的能力是一項重要的能力（Nussbaum，2006）。以下引用舉例說明了這一點：</p><p>　　我有一個很好的雇主。我完成工作后可以出去。 （F1,30歲，已婚）</p><p>　　我的雇主相信我和我的朋友，他們對我的男朋友開放。他可以自由出入。 （F5,39歲，單身）</p><p><

97、;b>　　應對策略 </b></p><p>　　我們采訪的大多數女性都采用了不同的應對策略來應對壓力的情況。例如，參與者F2使用瑜伽保持冷靜，參與者F4提醒自己要自律，不要對她的雇主進行抱怨。其他工作人員采取更加消極積極的行為或態(tài)度來對付挑剔的雇主。例如，參與者F1，F2和F7不是抨擊雇主，就是利用敵對態(tài)度、冷暴力或自怨自艾的態(tài)度沉默來應對他們的壓力情況：</p><p&

98、gt;　　有時，我只是反反復復進出去我的房間，一遍又一遍地思考。我做瑜伽讓我保持平和，這樣我就可以有效地應對和處理問題。 （F2,43年，分居）。</p><p>　　我不是那種耿耿于懷的人，如果我錯了，我會說對不起。我認為我是一個好人。 （F4,28歲，單身）</p><p>　　不要來新加坡工作，因為你會受到虐待。 。只是要小心雇主，因為一些雇主可以很好，但許多新加坡雇主不太好。 （F

99、1，34歲，單身）</p><p>　　她（雇主）意外地把雞蛋丟了，她把責任歸咎于我。我很生氣，我沒有幫她買雜貨，我只是到我的房間，砰的一聲關上了門。 （F2,43年，分居）</p><p>　　財務上供養(yǎng)家庭。我需要為我的孩子掙錢，我必須供養(yǎng)他們。 現在，我的孩子上大學并送他們上大學需要很多錢。 （F8,44歲，喪偶）</p><p>　　我試圖努力工作，以便讓我

100、的孩子接受教育并找到好工作。 就這樣。 （F6,40歲，已婚）</p><p>　　我們的研究結果佐證了此領域的研究，該研究發(fā)現，家務工作者在海外工作做出了犧牲，因為盡管他們的職業(yè)遇到困難（Parreñas，2005; Reyes，2008），但他們希望子女和自己擁有更美好的未來。</p><p><b>　　結論</b></p><p&

101、gt;　　在這項研究中，能力開發(fā)方式為新加坡菲律賓家庭工人的日常體驗提供了另一種解釋。 上述調查結果應當引起各國政府、勞工機構和人道主義機構重視，要讓他們認識到家庭傭人能力開發(fā)的重要性，并把它作為官方授權的項目。 作為第一個建議就是要改變家庭傭人及其工作方式。</p><p>　　應將家庭傭人和家務工作定義為合法工作者，并將其工作定義為合法工作。 其次，家庭工人應該可以自由參加任何組織（政治或社會）。 只有這樣做